A French politician, born in Paris, Feb. 2, 1808. The son of a wealthy physician, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1830. Soon after, in order to distinguish himself from another member of the bar of the same name, he added to his proper name Ledru that of his natural great-grandfather Rollin. A paper on martial law, which had been proclaimed at Paris by the government in consequence of the republican insurrection of 1832, gave evidence of his ability as a lawyer. Two years later his Memoire sur les evenements de la rue Trans-nonain produced a deep sensation, and thenceforth he was employed as counsel by most of the opposition journals and republican conspirators who were prosecuted under Louis Philippe. In 1837 he assumed the editorship of the Journal du Palais, a law periodical, re-printed the volumes previously published (27 vols. 8vo, 1791-1837), and continued it for ten years. He also superintended the publication of Jurisprudence francaise, ou Repertoire du Journal du Palais (8 vols. 4to, 1843-8), and added to it a remarkable introduction.

In 1844 - '6 appeared his Jurisprudence administrative en mattere content ieuse de 1789 a 1831 (9 vols. 8vo). About the same time he was the chief editor of the daily law newspaper, Le Droit. In 1838 he bought the place of attorney at the court of cassation, but disposed of it in 1840 in order to devote more time to politics. In 1841 he had been elected deputy by the department of Sarthe, by a nearly unanimous vote, to succeed Etienne Garnier-Pages, who had just died. He made a bold confession of his republican creed, which caused him to be prosecuted by the government; he was sentenced to four months' imprisonment and a fine of 3,000 francs, but on a new trial was acquitted. He spoke often in the chamber of deputies, but exerted little influence; and not receiving hearty support from the opposition press, he established, under the editorship of Flocon, a journal of his own, La Reforme, which advocated not only political but social reforms. In 1845 he issued a socialist manifesto, which secured him a considerable party in the lower ranks of society, while it estranged from him the middle classes. His uncompromising support of the doctrine of universal suffrage displeased also the monarchical opposition party.

He took a leading part in all the republican demonstrations in the provinces during the year 1847; and when the revolution of February, 1848, broke out, it was he who chiefly prevented the regency of the duchess of Orleans from being accepted by the chamber of deputies, and secured the powerful help of Lamartine. On the organization of the provisional government, he was elected one of its members. His position was embarrassing; he was associated with men whose principles were entirely discordant, some, like Lamartine and Eugene Garnier-Pages, entertaining moderate opinions, others, like Louis Blanc and Albert, anxious to bring about a radical change in the social system. Unwilling to go as far as these socialistic revolutionists, he gradually lost his popularity among the lower classes, while he became more than ever distrusted by the bourgeoisie. Their distrust was deepened into hatred when, as minister of the interior, he issued revolutionary circulars and sent special commissioners to various parts of France to further the democratic organization of the departments.

Nevertheless he evinced great courage in maintaining tranquillity in Paris; his timely precautions defeated the insurrectionary attempt of April 16; he protected the Presse and Emile de Girardin against a mob, and reconciled the democrats of Paris to the return of the army to the capital. But his efforts to prevent an open rupture between the opposing parties nearly lost him his seat at the ensuing elections. On the formation of the executive commission by the assembly, he was the last on the list, and received but 458 votes out of about 800. The insurrection of May 15 increased the distrust of all parties toward him. He aided in defeating the object of the insurgents; but when Louis Blanc and Caussidiere were accused before the assembly, he courageously defended them. When, in consequence of the insurrection of June 24, the executive power devolved on Gen. Cavaignac, Ledru-Rollin resumed his seat in the assembly. His speeches against the state of siege, his explanations of the insurrection of June, and his protest against the sending of a French army to Italy were particularly admired as efforts of oratory.

In the presidential election of December, 1848, he presented himself as the democratic candidate, but received only 370,119 votes, while Louis Napoleon Bonaparte obtained more than 5,000,000, and Cavaignac nearly 1,500,000. The standing he held in the assembly, his denunciations of the reactionary tendencies of the majority and the government, and his eloquent appeals in behalf of a truly republican system, somewhat revived his popularity during the first part of 1849. To strengthen this returning favor he assisted at banquets in Le Mans, Chateauroux, and Moulins, where his democratic addresses were hailed with unbounded enthusiasm. A brutal attack upon his person also had the effect of gaining him much sympathy; and in the elections for the legislative assembly he was chosen by five departments at once, Seine, Allier, Var, Saone-et-Loire, and Herault, while seven others gave him a very heavy vote. This encouraged him to oppose the government still more strongly, and especially to present himself as the defender of the Roman republic, which was on the point of being crushed by the arms of France. On June 11 he moved the impeachment of the president and his cabinet.

On the 13th he attempted an insurrectionary demonstration; at the head of a few deputies, some artillerymen of the national guard under Gurnard, and a few hundred citizens, he went to the conservatoire des arts et metiers; but here, before they had time to take any decisive measures, the insurgents were surrounded by troops. Some of them escaped through an upper window. Ledru-Rollin, after remaining concealed for about three weeks in the neighborhood of Paris, escaped to Belgium, and then went to England, whence he directed a solemn protest against the decree summoning him before the high court of justice. He was sentenced by default to transportation for life. From 1849 to 1870 he resided in London, where he supported himself partly by the remnants of his property and partly by his pen. Besides a pamphlet, Le 13 juin, 1849, an apology for his conduct on that day, he published De la decadence de l' Angleterre (2 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1850), and La loi anglaise (2 vols. 8vo). He was also one of the principal contributors to La voix d'un proscrit. He associated himself for a while with Kossuth, Maz-zini, Ruge, and other leading revolutionists, in the hope of concentrating the efforts of the European democracy.

In 1857 he was accused, in connection with Mazzini, of a plot against the life of Napoleon III., and was a second time sentenced to transportation. He was also specially excepted from the proclamation of amnesty issued by the emperor in 1860, and again from that issued in 1869. In the latter year the wing of the radical party of which Rochefort was the leader endeavored to enlist him in their cause, but he refused to lend his name to their support. In consequence of this the Ollivier ministry, in January, 1870, revoked the exception made against him in the decrees of amnesty, and he returned to France in March. During the siege of Paris he spoke a few times at radical banquets, and during the insurrection of Oct. 31 he was chosen a member of the committee of public safety, but did not appear at the hotel de ville. At the election of Feb. 8, 1871, he was chosen a member of the national assembly, but resigned on the 19th, on the ground that the election held in such disastrous circumstances did not indicate the free choice of the electors.

He remained for some time in retirement, but in March, 1874, was returned to the national assembly from the department of Vaucluse. He is now very rich, having recovered property long withheld from him.